|
UFOS AND ALIENS:
ETs and Ancient Astronauts are Illuminati
Propaganda
[Part 2 of 3]
article extracted from Truth Campaign issue 25
with additional material
by Ian Lawton
|
A REFUTATION OF THE
THEORIES OF
ZECHARIA SITCHIN
by
Ian Lawton
Copyright Ian
Lawton 1st
May 2000
Reproduced from
Genesis – the
official website of
Ian Lawton
www.ianlawton.com
INTRODUCTION TO
SITCHIN'S THEORIES
The first of author
Zecharia Sitchin's
Earth Chronicles
series of books,
The Twelfth Planet,
was published in
1976. Perhaps the
most appropriate way
of introducing him
is to quote from the
cover of the 1991
edition:1
Zecharia Sitchin
was raised in
Palestine, where he
acquired a profound
knowledge of modern
and ancient Hebrew,
other Semitic and
European languages,
the Old Testament,
and the history and
archaeology of the
Near East. He
attended the London
School of Economics
and Political
Science and
graduated from the
University of
London, majoring in
economic history. A
leading journalist
and editor in Israel
for many years, he
now lives and writes
in New York.
One of the few
scholars able to
read and understand
Sumerian, Sitchin
has based The Earth
Chronicles, his
recent series of
books dealing with
Earth’s and man’s
prehistories, on the
information and
texts written down
on clay tablets by
the ancient
civilisations of the
Near East. His books
have been widely
translated,
reprinted in
paperback editions,
converted to Braille
for the blind, and
featured on radio
and television
programmes.
Again quoting from
the cover, we will
let Sitchin speak
for himself in
introducing his
books:2
The Earth
Chronicles series
is based on the
premise that
mythology is not
fanciful but the
repository of
ancient memories;
that the Bible ought
to be read literally
as a
historic/scientific
document; and that
ancient
civilisations –
older and greater
than assumed – were
the product of
knowledge brought to
Earth by the
Anunnaki, 'Those Who
from Heaven to Earth
Came'.
The Twelfth
Planet [1976],
the first book of
the series, presents
ancient evidence for
the existence of an
additional planet in
the Solar System:
the home planet of
the Anunnaki. In
confirmation of this
evidence, recent
data from unmanned
spacecraft has led
astronomers to
actively search for
what is being called
'Planet X'.
The subsequent
volume, The
Stairway to Heaven
[1980], traces man’s
unending search for
immortality to a
spaceport in the
Sinai Peninsula and
to the Giza
Pyramids, which had
served as landing
beacons for it –
refuting the notion
that these pyramids
were built by human
pharaohs. Recently,
records by an eye
witness to a forgery
of an inscription by
the pharaoh Khufu
inside the Great
Pyramid corroborated
the book’s
conclusions.
The Wars of Gods and
Men [1985],
recounting events
closer to our times,
concludes that the
Sinai spaceport was
destroyed 4,000
years ago with
nuclear weapons.
Photographs of Earth
from space clearly
show evidence of
such an explosion.
Such gratifying
corroboration of
audacious
conclusions has been
even swifter for
The Lost Realms
[1990]. In the
relatively short
interval between the
completion of the
manuscript and its
publication,
archaeologists,
linguists, and other
scientists have
offered a 'coastal
theory' in lieu of
the 'frozen
trekking' one to
account for man’s
arrival in the
Americas – in ships,
as this volume has
concluded; have
'suddenly discovered
2,000 years of
missing
civilisation', in
the words of a Yale
University scholar
– confirming this
book’s conclusion;
and are now linking
the beginnings of
such civilisations
to those of the Old
World, as Sumerian
texts and biblical
verses suggest.
I trust that
modern science will
continue to confirm
ancient knowledge.
In fact this
description somewhat
undersells certain
key elements of
Sitchin’s theories,
especially in
relation to the
contents of The
Twelfth Planet,
his most widely-read
and influential
book. Not only does
he suggest that a
race of 'flesh and
blood' gods who were
capable of space
flight visited Earth
from their home
planet, which the
Ancients called
'Nibiru', nearly
half a million years
ago. He goes on to
speculate that they
came in order to
mine precious
minerals which were
abundant on our
planet; that they
created modern
Homo sapiens by
genetic engineering,
mixing their own
genes with those of
the primitive
hominids they
encountered ('in
their own image');
that they did this
in order to create a
slave race to take
over the mining and
refining work; and
that they lived for
sometimes thousands
of years, were
capable of good,
evil, compassion and
brutality, and
warred with each
other and their
human offspring.
Sitchin’s comments
on how he first
embarked on this
unorthodox path of
research many
decades ago are
illuminating:3
My starting point
was, going back to
my childhood and
schooldays, the
puzzle of who were
the 'Nefilim', that
are mentioned in
Genesis 6 as the
sons of the gods who
married the
daughters of man in
the days before the
great flood, the
Deluge. The word
‘Nefilim’ is
commonly, or used to
be, translated
'giants'. And I am
sure that you and
your readers are
familiar with quotes
and Sunday
preachings, etc.,
that those were the
days when there were
giants upon the
Earth. I questioned
this interpretation
as a child at
school, and I was
reprimanded for it
because the teacher
said 'You don’t
question the Bible'.
But I did not
question the Bible,
I questioned an
interpretation that
seemed inaccurate,
because the word
Nefilim, the name by
which those
extraordinary beings
'the sons of the
gods' were known,
means literally
'Those who have come
down to Earth from
the heavens', from
the Hebrew word
nafal which means to
fall, come down,
descend.
This experience
proved to be the
prototype for one of
the major
cornerstones of
Sitchin’s work: the
re-interpretation of
a number of key
words which appear
in ancient texts in
various languages.
It is this approach,
combined with the
re-evaluation of
archaeological and
scientific evidence
to support his
theories, which led
him to such a
startling series of
conclusions.
There is no doubt
that the publication
of these books has
lead to Sitchin
being feted by many
as a visionary and
scholar, with a
'guru-rating' that
is almost off the
scale. Indeed his
knowledge of ancient
Near Eastern history
and language at
first sight appears
so vast that few
authors have even
attempted to
elaborate on his
work, let alone dare
to criticise it.
But is everything in
the garden as rosy
as it appears to his
many followers? Let
us find out by
making a more
detailed
examination...
NOTES
-
Sitchin,
The Twelfth
Planet
(Bear & Co,
1991; 1st
Edition,
Stein & Day,
1976).
For
completeness
it should be
noted that
there is a
fifth book
in the
series, When Time
Began,
which was
published in
1993 after
this extract
was written.
It mainly
examines
precessional
ages, and
the ancient
monuments
such as
Stonehenge
and Machu
Picchu which
Sitchin
argues were
used to
monitor
them.
Furthermore
in 1990 he
published a
companion
volume, Genesis
Revisited,
which
essentially
provided an
update on
his theories
in the light
of the
latest
scientific
discoveries.
Extract from
an interview
conducted in
1993 by
Connecting
Link,
and
published in
Issue 17.
SITCHIN'S SCHOLASTIC
APPROACH
Having read
The
Twelfth Planet
some years ago at a
very early stage in
my own research
career, and in
keeping with my
avowed approach of
not accepting the
research of others
at face value, I
began my search for
intelligent
appraisals thereof.
I emphasise
'intelligent',
because as usual on
the Internet I found
many fawning
tributes, many of
which proceeded to
expand into all
manner of
'para-babble' about
visitors from
elsewhere and
channelled messages
about 'The Ancient
Ones' returning
which, while they
may or may not be
true, are usually
presented in so
evangelistic and
faith-is-all-you-need
a fashion that the
more discriminating
reader is left cold.
I also came across
similarly
stomach-turning
bigotry from those
of orthodox
persuasions, to whom
any mention of
advanced ancient
civilisations and
visitors from other
planets raises their
stridency and
vitriol levels to
unparalleled
heights.
However in the midst
of all this I did
find a few
commentators
providing snippets
that were sufficient
to set me off on the
right course. And
the first criticism
I found was that
Sitchin’s level of
scholastic ability
is not all it might
seem. Although it
does not flow
particularly well,
The Twelfth
Planet contains
so many apparent
gems which appear to
provide an
explanation for the
evidence of man’s
level of advancement
in antiquity, that
you tend to read it
in a frenzy of
excitement. 'At last
the answers for
which we have all
been searching!' is
the initial reaction
of many readers, and
was certainly mine.
But when you go back
and look again, you
can see that the few
who have dared to
criticise his work
have a point.
Although The
Twelfth Planet,
for example,
contains many
references and a
reasonable
bibliography, many
of the more
contentious
assertions are
presented with
little or no source
information. This is
especially true of
his textual quotes
from Mesopotamian
literature, which
are usually his own
interpretations and
not taken direct
from the work of
other scholars.
Therefore merely
locating the same
passage in the
orthodox
translations can be
exasperating; and if
and when you do find
them, they often
bear little
resemblance.
Similarly much of
his pictorial
evidence based on
carvings and reliefs
on tablets and
stelae is in the
form of hand-copied
drawings; this is
fine if they are
properly referenced
to the original
piece in a museum
collection, but
often they are not.
This makes them
similarly
exasperating to
trace when
attempting to ensure
they can be relied
on as accurate
representations of
the original.
To the
non-professional
researcher these
criticisms may seem
unduly harsh and
pedantic. But as
soon as one gets a
sniff that all is
not well with
Sitchin, and that
there is a good
chance he is at the
very least mistaken
in some of his
interpretations,
they become all too
relevant when
evaluating his work.
The Twelfth
Planet is
littered with
textual extracts
which, as well as
being poorly
referenced and
therefore sometimes
untraceable even
after significant
amounts of detective
work, is
consistently so much
at odds with
orthodox
translations that
alarm bells ring all
the time.
We saw in a previous
paper that even
expert Sumerologist
Thorkild Jacobsen
admitted relatively
recently that the
study of the
Sumerian language,
while not exactly in
its infancy, still
allows professional
scholars to produce
translations which
'may diverge so much
that one would never
guess that they
rendered the same
text'. On the face
of it this gives
Sitchin considerable
support. However
there are a number
of factors which
mitigate against
this in his case.
First, much of his
'evidence' (where it
is possible to
establish the
source) comes from
Akkadian texts which
do not suffer the
from the same degree
of uncertainty – and
yet his translations
of these still
diverge.
Second, even where
he uses orthodox
translations they
are usually regarded
as obsolete and,
even more important,
he can be extremely
selective in his
extracts. Nowhere is
this better
demonstrated that in
the evidence he uses
to suggest that the
word shem,
translated by modern
scholars as 'name'
or 'reputation',
derives from a root
which indicates that
it means a 'sky
chamber' of some
sort. This is such a
good example that I
have devoted the
entirety of the next
paper ('What’s in a
Shem?') to a case
study thereof, for
those who wish to
review the detailed
support for my
criticisms. In my
view this case study
indicates that, at
least in some cases,
Sitchin shortens and
even omits
intervening lines
from extracts which
when considered in
full render his
interpretation
meaningless in
the context.
Third, at least one
professional
linguist who has
taken the trouble to
examine Sitchin’s
work has come up
with massive
criticisms of his
understanding of the
Sumerian and
Akkadian languages.
These are contained
in some newsgroup
postings from
several years ago
made by a professor
of Near Eastern
Studies at a
well-known American
University. (I
refuse to name him
because in the
course of a brief
correspondence with
him he made his
views on Sitchin’s
work abundantly
clear, stating that
he did not want his
name associated with
what he regards as
'rubbish', and nor
did he want to be
bothered by further
correspondence from
people he regards as
cranks. I fully
respect his wishes,
and have only
provided the scant
information about
him above in order
that I cannot be
accused of making
this important
evidence up.) The
gist of his
criticisms of
Sitchin (or at least
those that are
scholarly and
linguistics based)
is that he
demonstrates a
consistent lack of
appreciation of even
some of the most
basic fundamentals
of Sumerian and
Akkadian grammar,
even to the extent
of regularly failing
to distinguish
between the two
entirely different
languages, and
mixing words from
each in interpreting
the syllables of
longer compound
words. As an
example, he analyses
Sitchin’s
interpretation of
the name Marduk as
'son of the pure
mound',1
and suggests that he
has mixed the
Akkadian word maru,
which
means 'son', with
the Sumerian words
du and ku,
meaning 'mound' and
'pure' respectively.
But, he asserts,
such words from
different languages
were never mixed,
even in a proper
name; they would
have used a
combination of words
all taken from one
language or the
other. Our source
provides countless
other examples of
this type of
confusion, for
example in Sitchin’s
translation of shem,
mu, naru, Enki,
Enlil, Eridu,
Ishkur, and Tiamat,
which seem to
provide compelling
evidence that the
bulk of his
interpretations are
spurious and
incorrect –
apparently made up
from bits and pieces
of different
languages and with
letters and
syllables swapped at
will. Since these
examples all came
from just a few
chapters of The
Twelfth Planet (before our source
decided he had
better things to do
with his time), and
there were hardly
any translations
that were not distorted, the
conclusion our
source drew is that
none of
Sitchin’s
translations and
interpretations
should be implicitly
trusted.
Fourth, even where
Sitchin’s
alternative
interpretations
might have some
degree of
foundation, the
implications which
he derives from them
can be highly
implausible for
other reasons,
unrestricted
paradigms
notwithstanding. A
prime example of
this is his literal
interpretation of
the Epic of
Creation, in
which his argument
that this is a
literal description
of the formation of
our solar system is
supported by
assumptions which,
from the perspective
of cosmology and
astronomy, are
highly dubious. Once
again this is a
subject to which we
will return in a
separate paper.
Fifth, he shows a
great deal of
imagination in
weaving the web of a
story from all this
'evidence', which
has resulted over
the course of the
entire Earth
Chronicles in
the creation of a
highly detailed
account of events on
earth over several
hundred thousand
years. In doing so
he makes an
incalculable number
of assumptions, the
incorrectness of any
one of which would
invalidate whole
sections of his
work. As a case in
point, he relies
heavily on
assumptions about
relationships
between members of
the Sumerian
pantheon. For
example, he
repeatedly uses the
underlying theme of
a rivalry between
members of the
Enki-ite and
Enlil-ite clans as
an explanation for a
whole series of
events spanning many
millennia. And yet
we have seen in a
previous paper that
it is in most cases
impossible to definitively
identify any god’s
parents, spouse,
offspring etc.
because of the
extent to which they
vary in the
different texts. It
is certainly highly
dubious to make
definitive
assumptions about
certain gods coming
from a particular
branch of the family
tree. In my view
this false
assumption, combined
with many similar
examples too
numerous to mention,
undermine his detailed work to
the extent that in
large part it
arguably becomes
highly imaginative
fiction –
fascinating to read
for the uninitiated,
probably far more so
than my own efforts
which are relatively
dry in comparison –
but primarily
fiction
nevertheless.
As a final example
of the quality of
Sitchin’s work,
The Twelfth Planet
contains a
hand-copied drawing
of a cylinder seal
which is accompanied
by the following
description:2
That radioactive
materials were known
and used to treat
certain ailments is
certainly suggested
by a scene of
medical treatment
depicted on a
cylinder seal dating
to the very
beginning of
Sumerian
civilisation. It
shows,
without question,
a man lying on a
special bed; his
face is protected by
a mask, and he is
being subjected to
some kind of
radiation [my
highligh].
Anyone who cares to
look this drawing up
will see an ordinary
looking table, a
body wearing a mask
with a face on each
side, and three wavy
lines above the body
which could just as
easily be flames or
water (which was
often depicted in
this way). To use
the words without
question is,
without question,
exaggerating a
highly dubious and
subjective
interpretation. This
is also a prime
example, of which
there are many, of
the complete lack of
any reference as to
the location and
source of the
original seal.
Indeed none of his
books contain a
separate reference
section or
footnotes. This is
not normal practice
for a supposedly
scholarly reference
work.
It is also
interesting to note
that British
researcher Alan
Alford, whose Gods of the New
Millennium3
was probably
the major book that
followed up on
Sitchin's work, has
since
comprehensively
rejected the idea of
'flesh and blood
gods'.4
I should perhaps say
a few words about my
motivation for going
to some lengths to
expose what I
perceive as the
weaknesses of a
fellow researcher's
work, instead of
perhaps just
ignoring it and
moving on. The
reason is that, over
the last quarter of
a century, Sitchin's
books have made a
considerable
worldwide impact,
and have persuaded a
great many people
that the 'gods' were flesh and
blood visitors from
elsewhere. This idea
has become extended
by many into the
belief that they
will return to
'save' the human
race. I believe this
is a fundamentally
dangerous
proposition which
merely perpetuates
the mistaken view
that mankind must
look outside of
itself for its
eventual salvation
or destruction –
when in fact our
fate lies entirely
in our own hands via
faith in our own
divinity.
NOTES
-
Sitchin,
The Twelfth
Planet
(Bear & Co,
1991),
Chapter 4,
p. 105.
Ibid.,
Chapter 2,
p. 42; the
reference is
to Figure 15
therein.
Alford,
Gods of the
New
Millennium
(Hodder and
Stoughton,
1997).
For example,
see the
interview
with Alford
in May 2000
on The
Daily Grail
web site
http://dailygrail.com/interviews/alford1.html
WHAT'S IN A SHEM?
Sitchin claims that
although the word
shem – which is
used repeatedly in
both Sumerian and
Akkadian texts – is
translated as 'name'
by orthodox
scholars, it in fact
refers to a far
older derivation
which originally
implied some form of
'sky-chamber'. To
quote Sitchin
himself:1
The Mesopotamian
texts that refer to
the inner enclosures
of temples, or to
the heavenly
journeys of the
gods, or even to
instances where
mortals ascended to
the heavens, employ
the Sumerian term
mu or its
Semitic derivatives
shu-mu ('that
which is a mu'),
sham or shem.
Because the term
also connoted 'that
by which one is
remembered,' the
word has come to be
taken as meaning
'name.' But the
universal
application of
'name' to early
texts that spoke of
an object used in
flying has obscured
the true meaning of
the ancient records.
He goes on to
describe how the
etymology of the
term can be traced
from 'sky chamber'
to 'name'. He argues
that original stone
sculptures of gods
inside oval
rocket-shaped
chambers, which were
used to venerate
them in places
remote from their
temples, were
eventually copied by
kings and rulers and
their own images
placed thereon in
order that they
could associate
themselves with the
'Eternal Abode', and
have their 'name'
preserved even if
they were only
mortal. These
objects are what we
now refer to as
stelae. He further
examines the words
used for such
objects in a number
of languages,
arguing that they
all share common
connotations of
'fiery stones that
rise'.
Mesopotamian
scholars have
indicated that this
analysis is highly
misleading because
the term mu
is a Sumerian verbal
prefix which does
not require
translation. For
once Sitchin admits
to being aware of
this criticism, and
counters that
scholars have
deliberately
invented this
grammatical
construct precisely
because they 'sense
that mu or
shem may mean an
object not "name"…
and have thereby
avoided the issue
altogether.'1
What are we to make
of all this? As most
of us are not
scholars of
Mesopotamian
language we can
hardly comment
definitively on this
element of the
debate, although it
is interesting to
note how easy it is
to add yet more fuel
to the fire to
obscure the picture
still further. For
example Thorkild
Jacobsen notes,
quite independently
of this theme, that
shem can also
be used to denote a
'tambourine-like
drum'.2
It would be
perfectly
justifiable for me
then to argue that
its use as 'name' or
'reputation'
developed from
association with
this meaning of the
word via the concept
of 'banging one’s
own drum'. This
example serves to
show how the use of
words with multiple
meanings, especially
in the Sumerian
language, can allow
all manner of
interpretations and
associations to be
made.
As we have seen this
is true of many
words on which
Sitchin places great
emphasis.
Accordingly I have
chosen the word
shem as a case
study for evaluating
his interpretations,
mainly because in
this case he backs
his argument up with
a large number of
extracts from texts
which apparently
support his case. My
own approach was to
examine these
usually condensed
extracts and see if
his interpretations
made sense in the
context of the
texts from which
they came.
Of the twelve main
textual extracts
which Sitchin uses,
three are taken from
the Bible, three are
from Sumerian texts,
four from Akkadian
texts, while I have
been unable to trace
translations for the
remaining two due to
the lack of
referencing. They
are presented in
this order below.
I have used the
following notation
in presenting the
extracts: words in
square brackets
represent the
(sometimes assumed)
original word in the
source text, while
those in upper case
represent those
omitted from the
beginning, middle or
end of quotes by
Sitchin which can
distort the full
context. The italics
used in the extracts
themselves are mine,
for emphasis. For
each extract I have
also added my own
analysis.
Text Extracts
Genesis
6:43
There were
giants in
the earth in
those days;
and also
after that,
when the
sons of God
came in unto
the
daughters of
men, and
they bare
children to
them, the
same became
mighty men
which were
of old, men
of renown [shem].
Sitchin’s
quoting here
appears to
be perfectly
accurate,
and it has
to be said
that the use
of the word
shem
here could
equally well
reflect
either his
or the
orthodox
interpretation.
Genesis
11:2-84
And it came
to pass, as
they
journeyed
from the
east, that
they found a
plane in the
land of
Shinar; and
they dwelt
there. And
they said to
one another,
Go to, let
us make
brick, and
burn them
thoroughly.
And they had
brick for
stone, and
slime had
they for
mortar. And
they said,
Go to, let
us build us
a city and a
tower, whose
top may
reach unto
heaven; and
let us make
us a name [shem],
lest we be
scattered
abroad upon
the face of
the whole
earth.
And the
Lord came
down to see
the city and
the tower,
which the
children of
men builded.
And the Lord
said,
Behold, the
people is
one, and
they have
all one
language;
and this
they begin
to do: and
now nothing
will be
restrained
from them,
which they
have
imagined to
do.
Go to, let
us go down,
and there
confound
their
language,
that they
may not
understand
one
another’s
speech. So
the Lord
scattered
them abroad
from thence
upon the
face of all
the earth:
and they
left off to
build the
city.
Again,
although he
uses a
different
translation
of the
Bible, there
is nothing
wrong with
Sitchin’s
quoting
here.
However he
stresses the
impact the
actions of
mankind had
on the gods,
especially
their fear
that
'nothing
will be
restrained
from them',
and goes on
to suggest
that the
building of
a shem
would have
prevented
mankind’s
being
'scattered
abroad'
because, as
their
population
increased
and they
spread out,
a
'sky-vehicle'
would have
allowed them
to stay in
contact with
one another.
Although
there are
undoubtedly
enigmatic
aspects to
this piece
of biblical
text, I
would
suggest that
it is far
simpler and
more
reasonable
to suggest
that mankind
might wish
to build an
impressive
tower to
make a
lasting
reputation
for itself.
Isaiah
56:55
Even unto
them will I
give in mine
house and
within my
walls a
place [yad]
and a name [shem]
BETTER THAN
OF SONS AND
DAUGHTERS: I
WILL GIVE
THEM AN
EVERLASTING
NAME [shem],
THAT SHALL
NOT BE CUT
OFF.
This is our
first
example of
Sitchin
foreshortening
a quote to
lose the
context. As
soon as one
reinstates
the
remainder of
the verse,
we must ask
why god
would wish
to provide a
'spacevehicle'
'better than
that of sons
and
daughters'?
Unless
rampant
material
one-upmanship
had already
infiltrated
biblical
society, his
interpretation
makes no
sense
whatever,
and – far
more
disturbing –
this could
not have
been
anything
other than
entirely
obvious to
him when he
selected the
extract.
Gilgamesh
and the Land
of the
Living,
lines 4-76
'Enkidu
BRICK AND
STAMP HAVE
NOT YET
BROUGHT
FORTH THE
FATED END, I
would enter
the land,
would set up
my name [shem],
In its
places where
names [shems]
have been
raised up, I
would raise
up my name [shem],
IN ITS
PLACES WHERE
NAMES [shems]
HAVE NOT
BEEN RAISED
UP, I WOULD
RAISE UP THE
NAMES [shems]
OF THE
GODS.'
Taken from
one of the
original
Sumerian
Gilgamesh
texts and
not the
composite
Akkadian
Epic of
Gilgamesh
(which does
not contain
this
passage),
this extract
finds
Sitchin on
highly
selective
form once
again. When
the missing
bulk of the
first line
is
reinstated
(at least
Sitchin
gives us a
clue by
providing an
ellipsis to
indicate
something
has been
left out),
we can
immediately
see the
connection
with 'brick
and stamp',
that is
monument
building and
printing –
the
conventional
method of
preserving
one’s name.
Then, with
the
reinstatement
of the last
line, it
appears more
likely that
Gilgamesh is
being
mindful to
respect the
reputations
of the gods
than
deciding
when to use
his own
rocket as
against
theirs.
Hymn
to Inanna7
I cannot
find this
extract
per se
in
Jacobsen’s
composite
version of
the
Inanna
hymns, so
the
following is
Sitchin’s
version:
Lady of
Heaven: She
puts on the
Garment of
Heaven; She
valiantly
ascends
towards
Heaven. Over
all the
peopled
lands she
flies in her
mu.
Lady, who in
her mu
to the
heights of
Heaven
joyfully
wings. Over
all the
resting
places she
flies in her
mu.
However
Jacobsen’s
version does
contain
multiple
references
to Inanna as
the Evening
and Morning
Star (Venus)
which
involve her
'lighting
up',
'stepping up
onto', and
'wandering
in' the sky.
Consequently
it is
possible
that Sitchin
has provided
his own
interpretation
of one of
these
passages –
and if so it
may be as
inventive as
many of his
other
extracts.
Since as
usual he
provides no
reference as
to his
source, it
is
impossible
to comment
further.
Gudea
Temple
Inscriptions
Again
the
following
extract,
being so
short,
is hard
to trace
in
Jacobsen’s
translation;
this is
Sitchin’s
version:
8
Its
mu
shall
hug the
lands
from
horizon
to
horizon.
One
passage
towards
the end
of
Jacobsen’s
version
reads as
follows:
'He
(Ninurta)
has
indeed
established
your
(Gudea’s)
name
from the
south to
the
north'.9
However
it is
hard to
identify
this as
the same
passage
with any
certainty,
and
further
comment
is
useless
without
a proper
source
reference.
Adapa,
Tablet
II,
lines
57-59
In this
case
Sitchin
himself
does not
quote an
extract
proper,
merely
reporting
that 'An
demanded
to know
who had
provided
Adapa
with a
shem
with
which to
reach
the
heavenly
location'.10
I
have
found
two
translations
of this
text,
the
first by
Alexander
Heidel
and the
second
by
Stephanie
Dalley.
To place
the
extract
in
context,
An wants
to know
why
Adapa
has been
allowed
to visit
heaven
(per
Heidel’s
translation),
or
alternatively
how he
obtained
the
powers
to 'stop
the
south
wind'
(per
Dalley’s
translation).
Dealing
with
each in
turn:11
'Why has
Enki
revealed
to an
impure
man The
heart of
heaven
and
earth?
He has
made him
strong
and has
made him
a name.'
This
older
translation
appears
to
support
Sitchin
in as
much as
it
contains
the word
name
at the
end, but
that is
about
all.
Meanwhile
Dalley’s
more
recent
translation
bears
little
resemblance
to this
older
version,
and does
not even
contain
the idea
of a
reputation
or name:12
'Why did
Enki
disclose
to
wretched
mankind
The ways
of
heaven
and
earth,
Give
them a
heavy
heart?
It was
he who
did it!'
Unless
progress
on the
translation
of this
Akkadian
text has
gone
backwards
in
recent
years,
or
another
set of
tablets
entirely
was used
by
Heidel,
we can
assume
the
later
translation
is the
more
accurate
– and
once
again it
does
little
to
support
Sitchin’s
interpretation.
Epic of
Etana,
Tablet
II, last
column13
This
extract
sees
Etana
asking
the god
Shamash
(Utu) to
help him
obtain
the
plant of
birth:
'O Lord,
let the
word go
forth
from
your
mouth
And give
me the
plant of
birth,
Show me
the
plant of
birth!
Remove
my shame
and
provide
me with
a son [shem]!'
Sitchin’s
extract
is
sufficiently
close in
this
case for
it to be
clear
that the
word he
suggests
is
shem
in the
original
is here
translated
by
Dalley
as
'son',
which is
slightly
confusing.
Nevertheless,
although
she does
not say
as much
her
translation
would
appear
to use
the
phrase
'plant
of
birth'
as a
sign
that
Etana is
infertile,
in which
case it
would be
quite
understandable
that he
would
want to
change
the
situation
and
establish
a
lasting
reputation
by way
of
offspring.
Despite
the fuss
that is
sometimes
made
about
Etana's
subsequent
description
of how
the
earth
gets
smaller
and
smaller
as he
ascends
towards
heaven
on the
back of
an
eagle,
this is
separate
and in
any case
only
common
sense,
so once
again
Sitchin's
interpretation
appears
by far
the less
likely
and
obvious.
Anzu,
Tablet
I,
column 314
Here,
while
Enlil is
taking a
bath,
the evil
god Anzu
steals
the
'Tablet
of
Destinies':
He
gained
the
Tablet
of
Destinies
for
himself,
Took
away the
Enlil-power.
Rites
were
abandoned,
Anzu
flew off
and went
into
hiding.
Again
Sitchin
does not
quote
here,
simply
suggesting
that
'Anzu
fled in
his
mu
(translated
"name",
but
indicating
a flying
machine.)'
There is
no
direct
mention
of
'name'
in
Dalley’s
translation
as
above,
and
since
this is
undoubtedly
the same
passage
one may
possibly
conclude
that
here she
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