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UFOS AND ALIENS:


ETs and Ancient Astronauts are Illuminati Propaganda
[Part 2 of 3]
article extracted from Truth Campaign issue 25 with additional material
by Ian Lawton
 

 

A REFUTATION OF THE THEORIES OF ZECHARIA SITCHIN by Ian Lawton

Copyright Ian Lawton 1st May 2000
Reproduced from Genesis – the official website of Ian Lawton
www.ianlawton.com

INTRODUCTION TO SITCHIN'S THEORIES

Ian LawtonThe first of author Zecharia Sitchin's Earth Chronicles series of books, The Twelfth Planet, was published in 1976. Perhaps the most appropriate way of introducing him is to quote from the cover of the 1991 edition:1

Zecharia Sitchin was raised in Palestine, where he acquired a profound knowledge of modern and ancient Hebrew, other Semitic and European languages, the Old Testament, and the history and archaeology of the Near East. He attended the London School of Economics and Political Science and graduated from the University of London, majoring in economic history. A leading journalist and editor in Israel for many years, he now lives and writes in New York.

One of the few scholars able to read and understand Sumerian, Sitchin has based The Earth Chronicles, his recent series of books dealing with Earth’s and man’s prehistories, on the information and texts written down on clay tablets by the ancient civilisations of the Near East. His books have been widely translated, reprinted in paperback editions, converted to Braille for the blind, and featured on radio and television programmes.

Again quoting from the cover, we will let Sitchin speak for himself in introducing his books:2

The Earth Chronicles series is based on the premise that mythology is not fanciful but the repository of ancient memories; that the Bible ought to be read literally as a historic/scientific document; and that ancient civilisations – older and greater than assumed – were the product of knowledge brought to Earth by the Anunnaki, 'Those Who from Heaven to Earth Came'.

The Twelfth Planet [1976], the first book of the series, presents ancient evidence for the existence of an additional planet in the Solar System: the home planet of the Anunnaki. In confirmation of this evidence, recent data from unmanned spacecraft has led astronomers to actively search for what is being called 'Planet X'.

The subsequent volume, The Stairway to Heaven [1980], traces man’s unending search for immortality to a spaceport in the Sinai Peninsula and to the Giza Pyramids, which had served as landing beacons for it – refuting the notion that these pyramids were built by human pharaohs. Recently, records by an eye witness to a forgery of an inscription by the pharaoh Khufu inside the Great Pyramid corroborated the book’s conclusions.

The Wars of Gods and Men [1985], recounting events closer to our times, concludes that the Sinai spaceport was destroyed 4,000 years ago with nuclear weapons. Photographs of Earth from space clearly show evidence of such an explosion.

Such gratifying corroboration of audacious conclusions has been even swifter for The Lost Realms [1990]. In the relatively short interval between the completion of the manuscript and its publication, archaeologists, linguists, and other scientists have offered a 'coastal theory' in lieu of the 'frozen trekking' one to account for man’s arrival in the Americas – in ships, as this volume has concluded; have 'suddenly discovered 2,000 years of missing civilisation', in the words of a Yale University scholar

– confirming this book’s conclusion; and are now linking the beginnings of such civilisations to those of the Old World, as Sumerian texts and biblical verses suggest.

I trust that modern science will continue to confirm ancient knowledge.

In fact this description somewhat undersells certain key elements of Sitchin’s theories, especially in relation to the contents of The Twelfth Planet, his most widely-read and influential book. Not only does he suggest that a race of 'flesh and blood' gods who were capable of space flight visited Earth from their home planet, which the Ancients called 'Nibiru', nearly half a million years ago. He goes on to speculate that they came in order to mine precious minerals which were abundant on our planet; that they created modern Homo sapiens by genetic engineering, mixing their own genes with those of the primitive hominids they encountered ('in their own image'); that they did this in order to create a slave race to take over the mining and refining work; and that they lived for sometimes thousands of years, were capable of good, evil, compassion and brutality, and warred with each other and their human offspring.

Sitchin’s comments on how he first embarked on this unorthodox path of research many decades ago are illuminating:3

My starting point was, going back to my childhood and schooldays, the puzzle of who were the 'Nefilim', that are mentioned in Genesis 6 as the sons of the gods who married the daughters of man in the days before the great flood, the Deluge. The word ‘Nefilim’ is commonly, or used to be, translated 'giants'. And I am sure that you and your readers are familiar with quotes and Sunday preachings, etc., that those were the days when there were giants upon the Earth. I questioned this interpretation as a child at school, and I was reprimanded for it because the teacher said 'You don’t question the Bible'. But I did not question the Bible, I questioned an interpretation that seemed inaccurate, because the word Nefilim, the name by which those extraordinary beings 'the sons of the gods' were known, means literally 'Those who have come down to Earth from the heavens', from the Hebrew word nafal which means to fall, come down, descend.

This experience proved to be the prototype for one of the major cornerstones of Sitchin’s work: the re-interpretation of a number of key words which appear in ancient texts in various languages. It is this approach, combined with the re-evaluation of archaeological and scientific evidence to support his theories, which led him to such a startling series of conclusions.

There is no doubt that the publication of these books has lead to Sitchin being feted by many as a visionary and scholar, with a 'guru-rating' that is almost off the scale. Indeed his knowledge of ancient Near Eastern history and language at first sight appears so vast that few authors have even attempted to elaborate on his work, let alone dare to criticise it.

But is everything in the garden as rosy as it appears to his many followers? Let us find out by making a more detailed examination...

NOTES

  1. Sitchin, The Twelfth Planet (Bear & Co, 1991; 1st Edition, Stein & Day, 1976).

     

  2. For completeness it should be noted that there is a fifth book in the series, When Time Began, which was published in 1993 after this extract was written. It mainly examines precessional ages, and the ancient monuments such as Stonehenge and Machu Picchu which Sitchin argues were used to monitor them. Furthermore in 1990 he published a companion volume, Genesis Revisited, which essentially provided an update on his theories in the light of the latest scientific discoveries.

     

  3. Extract from an interview conducted in 1993 by Connecting Link, and published in Issue 17.


SITCHIN'S SCHOLASTIC APPROACH

Having read The Twelfth Planet some years ago at a very early stage in my own research career, and in keeping with my avowed approach of not accepting the research of others at face value, I began my search for intelligent appraisals thereof. I emphasise 'intelligent', because as usual on the Internet I found many fawning tributes, many of which proceeded to expand into all manner of 'para-babble' about visitors from elsewhere and channelled messages about 'The Ancient Ones' returning which, while they may or may not be true, are usually presented in so evangelistic and faith-is-all-you-need a fashion that the more discriminating reader is left cold. I also came across similarly stomach-turning bigotry from those of orthodox persuasions, to whom any mention of advanced ancient civilisations and visitors from other planets raises their stridency and vitriol levels to unparalleled heights.

However in the midst of all this I did find a few commentators providing snippets that were sufficient to set me off on the right course. And the first criticism I found was that Sitchin’s level of scholastic ability is not all it might seem. Although it does not flow particularly well, The Twelfth Planet contains so many apparent gems which appear to provide an explanation for the evidence of man’s level of advancement in antiquity, that you tend to read it in a frenzy of excitement. 'At last the answers for which we have all been searching!' is the initial reaction of many readers, and was certainly mine.

But when you go back and look again, you can see that the few who have dared to criticise his work have a point. Although The Twelfth Planet, for example, contains many references and a reasonable bibliography, many of the more contentious assertions are presented with little or no source information. This is especially true of his textual quotes from Mesopotamian literature, which are usually his own interpretations and not taken direct from the work of other scholars. Therefore merely locating the same passage in the orthodox translations can be exasperating; and if and when you do find them, they often bear little resemblance. Similarly much of his pictorial evidence based on carvings and reliefs on tablets and stelae is in the form of hand-copied drawings; this is fine if they are properly referenced to the original piece in a museum collection, but often they are not. This makes them similarly exasperating to trace when attempting to ensure they can be relied on as accurate representations of the original.

To the non-professional researcher these criticisms may seem unduly harsh and pedantic. But as soon as one gets a sniff that all is not well with Sitchin, and that there is a good chance he is at the very least mistaken in some of his interpretations, they become all too relevant when evaluating his work. The Twelfth Planet is littered with textual extracts which, as well as being poorly referenced and therefore sometimes untraceable even after significant amounts of detective work, is consistently so much at odds with orthodox translations that alarm bells ring all the time.

We saw in a previous paper that even expert Sumerologist Thorkild Jacobsen admitted relatively recently that the study of the Sumerian language, while not exactly in its infancy, still allows professional scholars to produce translations which 'may diverge so much that one would never guess that they rendered the same text'. On the face of it this gives Sitchin considerable support. However there are a number of factors which mitigate against this in his case.

First, much of his 'evidence' (where it is possible to establish the source) comes from Akkadian texts which do not suffer the from the same degree of uncertainty – and yet his translations of these still diverge.

Second, even where he uses orthodox translations they are usually regarded as obsolete and, even more important, he can be extremely selective in his extracts. Nowhere is this better demonstrated that in the evidence he uses to suggest that the word shem, translated by modern scholars as 'name' or 'reputation', derives from a root which indicates that it means a 'sky chamber' of some sort. This is such a good example that I have devoted the entirety of the next paper ('What’s in a Shem?') to a case study thereof, for those who wish to review the detailed support for my criticisms. In my view this case study indicates that, at least in some cases, Sitchin shortens and even omits intervening lines from extracts which when considered in full render his interpretation meaningless in the context.

Third, at least one professional linguist who has taken the trouble to examine Sitchin’s work has come up with massive criticisms of his understanding of the Sumerian and Akkadian languages. These are contained in some newsgroup postings from several years ago made by a professor of Near Eastern Studies at a well-known American University. (I refuse to name him because in the course of a brief correspondence with him he made his views on Sitchin’s work abundantly clear, stating that he did not want his name associated with what he regards as 'rubbish', and nor did he want to be bothered by further correspondence from people he regards as cranks. I fully respect his wishes, and have only provided the scant information about him above in order that I cannot be accused of making this important evidence up.) The gist of his criticisms of Sitchin (or at least those that are scholarly and linguistics based) is that he demonstrates a consistent lack of appreciation of even some of the most basic fundamentals of Sumerian and Akkadian grammar, even to the extent of regularly failing to distinguish between the two entirely different languages, and mixing words from each in interpreting the syllables of longer compound words. As an example, he analyses Sitchin’s interpretation of the name Marduk as 'son of the pure mound',1 and suggests that he has mixed the Akkadian word maru, which means 'son', with the Sumerian words du and ku, meaning 'mound' and 'pure' respectively. But, he asserts, such words from different languages were never mixed, even in a proper name; they would have used a combination of words all taken from one language or the other. Our source provides countless other examples of this type of confusion, for example in Sitchin’s translation of shem, mu, naru, Enki, Enlil, Eridu, Ishkur, and Tiamat, which seem to provide compelling evidence that the bulk of his interpretations are spurious and incorrect – apparently made up from bits and pieces of different languages and with letters and syllables swapped at will. Since these examples all came from just a few chapters of The Twelfth Planet (before our source decided he had better things to do with his time), and there were hardly any translations that were not distorted, the conclusion our source drew is that none of Sitchin’s translations and interpretations should be implicitly trusted.

Fourth, even where Sitchin’s alternative interpretations might have some degree of foundation, the implications which he derives from them can be highly implausible for other reasons, unrestricted paradigms notwithstanding. A prime example of this is his literal interpretation of the Epic of Creation, in which his argument that this is a literal description of the formation of our solar system is supported by assumptions which, from the perspective of cosmology and astronomy, are highly dubious. Once again this is a subject to which we will return in a separate paper.

Fifth, he shows a great deal of imagination in weaving the web of a story from all this 'evidence', which has resulted over the course of the entire Earth Chronicles in the creation of a highly detailed account of events on earth over several hundred thousand years. In doing so he makes an incalculable number of assumptions, the incorrectness of any one of which would invalidate whole sections of his work. As a case in point, he relies heavily on assumptions about relationships between members of the Sumerian pantheon. For example, he repeatedly uses the underlying theme of a rivalry between members of the Enki-ite and Enlil-ite clans as an explanation for a whole series of events spanning many millennia. And yet we have seen in a previous paper that it is in most cases impossible to definitively identify any god’s parents, spouse, offspring etc. because of the extent to which they vary in the different texts. It is certainly highly dubious to make definitive assumptions about certain gods coming from a particular branch of the family tree. In my view this false assumption, combined with many similar examples too numerous to mention, undermine his detailed work to the extent that in large part it arguably becomes highly imaginative fiction – fascinating to read for the uninitiated, probably far more so than my own efforts which are relatively dry in comparison – but primarily fiction nevertheless.

As a final example of the quality of Sitchin’s work, The Twelfth Planet contains a hand-copied drawing of a cylinder seal which is accompanied by the following description:2

That radioactive materials were known and used to treat certain ailments is certainly suggested by a scene of medical treatment depicted on a cylinder seal dating to the very beginning of Sumerian civilisation. It shows, without question, a man lying on a special bed; his face is protected by a mask, and he is being subjected to some kind of radiation [my highligh].

Anyone who cares to look this drawing up will see an ordinary looking table, a body wearing a mask with a face on each side, and three wavy lines above the body which could just as easily be flames or water (which was often depicted in this way). To use the words without question is, without question, exaggerating a highly dubious and subjective interpretation. This is also a prime example, of which there are many, of the complete lack of any reference as to the location and source of the original seal. Indeed none of his books contain a separate reference section or footnotes. This is not normal practice for a supposedly scholarly reference work.

It is also interesting to note that British researcher Alan Alford, whose Gods of the New Millennium3 was probably the major book that followed up on Sitchin's work, has since comprehensively rejected the idea of 'flesh and blood gods'.4

I should perhaps say a few words about my motivation for going to some lengths to expose what I perceive as the weaknesses of a fellow researcher's work, instead of perhaps just ignoring it and moving on. The reason is that, over the last quarter of a century, Sitchin's books have made a considerable worldwide impact, and have persuaded a great many people that the 'gods' were flesh and blood visitors from elsewhere. This idea has become extended by many into the belief that they will return to 'save' the human race. I believe this is a fundamentally dangerous proposition which merely perpetuates the mistaken view that mankind must look outside of itself for its eventual salvation or destruction – when in fact our fate lies entirely in our own hands via faith in our own divinity.

NOTES

  1. Sitchin, The Twelfth Planet (Bear & Co, 1991), Chapter 4, p. 105.

     

  2. Ibid., Chapter 2, p. 42; the reference is to Figure 15 therein.

     

  3. Alford, Gods of the New Millennium (Hodder and Stoughton, 1997).

     

  4. For example, see the interview with Alford in May 2000 on The Daily Grail web site http://dailygrail.com/interviews/alford1.html
     

WHAT'S IN A SHEM?

Sitchin claims that although the word shem – which is used repeatedly in both Sumerian and Akkadian texts – is translated as 'name' by orthodox scholars, it in fact refers to a far older derivation which originally implied some form of 'sky-chamber'. To quote Sitchin himself:1

The Mesopotamian texts that refer to the inner enclosures of temples, or to the heavenly journeys of the gods, or even to instances where mortals ascended to the heavens, employ the Sumerian term mu or its Semitic derivatives shu-mu ('that which is a mu'), sham or shem. Because the term also connoted 'that by which one is remembered,' the word has come to be taken as meaning 'name.' But the universal application of 'name' to early texts that spoke of an object used in flying has obscured the true meaning of the ancient records.

He goes on to describe how the etymology of the term can be traced from 'sky chamber' to 'name'. He argues that original stone sculptures of gods inside oval rocket-shaped chambers, which were used to venerate them in places remote from their temples, were eventually copied by kings and rulers and their own images placed thereon in order that they could associate themselves with the 'Eternal Abode', and have their 'name' preserved even if they were only mortal. These objects are what we now refer to as stelae. He further examines the words used for such objects in a number of languages, arguing that they all share common connotations of 'fiery stones that rise'.

Mesopotamian scholars have indicated that this analysis is highly misleading because the term mu is a Sumerian verbal prefix which does not require translation. For once Sitchin admits to being aware of this criticism, and counters that scholars have deliberately invented this grammatical construct precisely because they 'sense that mu or shem may mean an object not "name"… and have thereby avoided the issue altogether.'1

What are we to make of all this? As most of us are not scholars of Mesopotamian language we can hardly comment definitively on this element of the debate, although it is interesting to note how easy it is to add yet more fuel to the fire to obscure the picture still further. For example Thorkild Jacobsen notes, quite independently of this theme, that shem can also be used to denote a 'tambourine-like drum'.2 It would be perfectly justifiable for me then to argue that its use as 'name' or 'reputation' developed from association with this meaning of the word via the concept of 'banging one’s own drum'. This example serves to show how the use of words with multiple meanings, especially in the Sumerian language, can allow all manner of interpretations and associations to be made.

As we have seen this is true of many words on which Sitchin places great emphasis. Accordingly I have chosen the word shem as a case study for evaluating his interpretations, mainly because in this case he backs his argument up with a large number of extracts from texts which apparently support his case. My own approach was to examine these usually condensed extracts and see if his interpretations made sense in the context of the texts from which they came.

Of the twelve main textual extracts which Sitchin uses, three are taken from the Bible, three are from Sumerian texts, four from Akkadian texts, while I have been unable to trace translations for the remaining two due to the lack of referencing. They are presented in this order below.

I have used the following notation in presenting the extracts: words in square brackets represent the (sometimes assumed) original word in the source text, while those in upper case represent those omitted from the beginning, middle or end of quotes by Sitchin which can distort the full context. The italics used in the extracts themselves are mine, for emphasis. For each extract I have also added my own analysis.

Text Extracts

Genesis 6:43

There were giants in the earth in those days; and also after that, when the sons of God came in unto the daughters of men, and they bare children to them, the same became mighty men which were of old, men of renown [shem].

Sitchin’s quoting here appears to be perfectly accurate, and it has to be said that the use of the word shem here could equally well reflect either his or the orthodox interpretation.

Genesis 11:2-84

And it came to pass, as they journeyed from the east, that they found a plane in the land of Shinar; and they dwelt there. And they said to one another, Go to, let us make brick, and burn them thoroughly. And they had brick for stone, and slime had they for mortar. And they said, Go to, let us build us a city and a tower, whose top may reach unto heaven; and let us make us a name [shem], lest we be scattered abroad upon the face of the whole earth. And the Lord came down to see the city and the tower, which the children of men builded. And the Lord said, Behold, the people is one, and they have all one language; and this they begin to do: and now nothing will be restrained from them, which they have imagined to do. Go to, let us go down, and there confound their language, that they may not understand one another’s speech. So the Lord scattered them abroad from thence upon the face of all the earth: and they left off to build the city.

Again, although he uses a different translation of the Bible, there is nothing wrong with Sitchin’s quoting here. However he stresses the impact the actions of mankind had on the gods, especially their fear that 'nothing will be restrained from them', and goes on to suggest that the building of a shem would have prevented mankind’s being 'scattered abroad' because, as their population increased and they spread out, a 'sky-vehicle' would have allowed them to stay in contact with one another. Although there are undoubtedly enigmatic aspects to this piece of biblical text, I would suggest that it is far simpler and more reasonable to suggest that mankind might wish to build an impressive tower to make a lasting reputation for itself.

Isaiah 56:55

Even unto them will I give in mine house and within my walls a place [yad] and a name [shem] BETTER THAN OF SONS AND DAUGHTERS: I WILL GIVE THEM AN EVERLASTING NAME [shem], THAT SHALL NOT BE CUT OFF.

This is our first example of Sitchin foreshortening a quote to lose the context. As soon as one reinstates the remainder of the verse, we must ask why god would wish to provide a 'spacevehicle' 'better than that of sons and daughters'? Unless rampant material one-upmanship had already infiltrated biblical society, his interpretation makes no sense whatever, and – far more disturbing – this could not have been anything other than entirely obvious to him when he selected the extract.

Gilgamesh and the Land of the Living, lines 4-76

'Enkidu BRICK AND STAMP HAVE NOT YET BROUGHT FORTH THE FATED END, I would enter the land, would set up my name [shem], In its places where names [shems] have been raised up, I would raise up my name [shem], IN ITS PLACES WHERE NAMES [shems] HAVE NOT BEEN RAISED UP, I WOULD RAISE UP THE NAMES [shems] OF THE GODS.'

Taken from one of the original Sumerian Gilgamesh texts and not the composite Akkadian Epic of Gilgamesh (which does not contain this passage), this extract finds Sitchin on highly selective form once again. When the missing bulk of the first line is reinstated (at least Sitchin gives us a clue by providing an ellipsis to indicate something has been left out), we can immediately see the connection with 'brick and stamp', that is monument building and printing – the conventional method of preserving one’s name. Then, with the reinstatement of the last line, it appears more likely that Gilgamesh is being mindful to respect the reputations of the gods than deciding when to use his own rocket as against theirs.

Hymn to Inanna7

I cannot find this extract per se in Jacobsen’s composite version of the Inanna hymns, so the following is Sitchin’s version:

Lady of Heaven: She puts on the Garment of Heaven; She valiantly ascends towards Heaven. Over all the peopled lands she flies in her mu. Lady, who in her mu to the heights of Heaven joyfully wings. Over all the resting places she flies in her mu.

However Jacobsen’s version does contain multiple references to Inanna as the Evening and Morning Star (Venus) which involve her 'lighting up', 'stepping up onto', and 'wandering in' the sky. Consequently it is possible that Sitchin has provided his own interpretation of one of these passages – and if so it may be as inventive as many of his other extracts. Since as usual he provides no reference as to his source, it is impossible to comment further.

Gudea Temple Inscriptions

Again the following extract, being so short, is hard to trace in Jacobsen’s translation; this is Sitchin’s version: 8

Its mu shall hug the lands from horizon to horizon.

One passage towards the end of Jacobsen’s version reads as follows: 'He (Ninurta) has indeed established your (Gudea’s) name from the south to the north'.9 However it is hard to identify this as the same passage with any certainty, and further comment is useless without a proper source reference.

Adapa, Tablet II, lines 57-59

In this case Sitchin himself does not quote an extract proper, merely reporting that 'An demanded to know who had provided Adapa with a shem with which to reach the heavenly location'.10 I have found two translations of this text, the first by Alexander Heidel and the second by Stephanie Dalley. To place the extract in context, An wants to know why Adapa has been allowed to visit heaven (per Heidel’s translation), or alternatively how he obtained the powers to 'stop the south wind' (per Dalley’s translation). Dealing with each in turn:11

'Why has Enki revealed to an impure man The heart of heaven and earth? He has made him strong and has made him a name.'

This older translation appears to support Sitchin in as much as it contains the word name at the end, but that is about all. Meanwhile Dalley’s more recent translation bears little resemblance to this older version, and does not even contain the idea of a reputation or name:12

'Why did Enki disclose to wretched mankind The ways of heaven and earth, Give them a heavy heart? It was he who did it!'

Unless progress on the translation of this Akkadian text has gone backwards in recent years, or another set of tablets entirely was used by Heidel, we can assume the later translation is the more accurate – and once again it does little to support Sitchin’s interpretation.

Epic of Etana, Tablet II, last column13

This extract sees Etana asking the god Shamash (Utu) to help him obtain the plant of birth: 'O Lord, let the word go forth from your mouth And give me the plant of birth, Show me the plant of birth! Remove my shame and provide me with a son [shem]!'

Sitchin’s extract is sufficiently close in this case for it to be clear that the word he suggests is shem in the original is here translated by Dalley as 'son', which is slightly confusing. Nevertheless, although she does not say as much her translation would appear to use the phrase 'plant of birth' as a sign that Etana is infertile, in which case it would be quite understandable that he would want to change the situation and establish a lasting reputation by way of offspring. Despite the fuss that is sometimes made about Etana's subsequent description of how the earth gets smaller and smaller as he ascends towards heaven on the back of an eagle, this is separate and in any case only common sense, so once again Sitchin's interpretation appears by far the less likely and obvious.

Anzu, Tablet I, column 314

Here, while Enlil is taking a bath, the evil god Anzu steals the 'Tablet of Destinies': He gained the Tablet of Destinies for himself, Took away the Enlil-power. Rites were abandoned, Anzu flew off and went into hiding.

Again Sitchin does not quote here, simply suggesting that 'Anzu fled in his mu (translated "name", but indicating a flying machine.)' There is no direct mention of 'name' in Dalley’s translation as above, and since this is undoubtedly the same passage one may possibly conclude that here she